Feminist views on prostitution
Second, they agree that authentic consent is the sine qua non of legitimate sex, whether in commercial or opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare form. Third, all feminists recognize that commercial sex workers are subject to economic coercion and are often victims of violence, and that little is done to address these problems. The sex work perspective, the abolitionist perspective and the outlaw perspective. The sex work perspective maintains that prostitution is a legitimate form of work for women faced with the option of other bad jobs, therefore women ought to have the right to work in the sex trade free of prosecution or the fear of it.
The sex work perspective also argues that governments should eliminate laws that criminalize voluntary prostitution. This, the sex work perspective asserts, will allow prostitution to be regulated by governments and business codes, protect sex trade workers, and improve the ability to prosecute people who hurt them. The Abolitionist perspective holds that governments should work towards the elimination of prostitution. Advertisements for prostitutes fill a phone booth Coercion and poverty[ edit ] See also: Survival sex These feminists argue that, in most cases, prostitution is not a conscious and calculated choice.
They say that most women who become prostitutes do so because they were opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare or coerced by a pimp or by human trafficking, or, when it is an independent decision, it is generally the result of extreme poverty and lack of opportunity, or of serious underlying problems, such as drug addiction, past trauma such as child sexual abuse and other unfortunate opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare.
These feminists point out that women from the lowest socioeconomic classes—impoverished women, women with a low level of education, women from the most disadvantaged racial and ethnic minorities—are overrepresented in prostitution all over the world; as stated by Catherine MacKinnon : "If prostitution is a free choice, why are the women with the fewest choices the ones most often found doing it?
The money thus opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare as a form of force, not as a measure of consent. It acts like physical force does in rape.
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Barbara Sullivan says, "In the academic literature on prostitution there are very few authors who argue that valid consent to prostitution is possible. Most suggest that consent to prostitution is impossible or at least unlikely.
For radical feminists this is because prostitution is always a coercive sexual practice. Others simply suggest that economic coercion makes the sexual consent of sex workers highly problematic if not impossible Oppression cannot effectively be gauged according to the degree of 'consent,' since even in slavery there was some consent, if consent is defined as inability to see any alternative.
Those of us who say this are accused of being simple-minded.
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But prostitution is very simple. It is impossible to use a human body in the way women's bodies are used in prostitution and to have a whole human being at the end of it, or in the middle of it, or close to the beginning of it. It's impossible. And no woman gets whole again later, after.
These feminists argue that opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare liberation for women cannot be achieved as long as we normalize unequal sexual practices where a man dominates a woman. They say that opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare act of prostitution is not a mutual and equal sex act as it puts the woman in a subordinate position, reducing her to a mere instrument of sexual pleasure for the client.
These feminists believe that many clients use the services of prostitutes because they enjoy the "power trip" they derive from the act and the control they have over the woman during the sexual activity. These feminists believe that prostitution is very harmful to society as it reinforces the idea that women are sex objects which exist for men's enjoyment, which can be "bought" and which can be "used" solely for men's sexual gratification.
Anti-prostitution feminists argue that when a society accepts prostitution it sends the message that it is irrelevant how the woman feels during sex or what the consequences of sex will be for her, and that it is acceptable for a man to engage in sexual activity with a woman who does not enjoy it and who could be mentally and emotionally forcing herself in order to be able to cope; the normalization of such one sided sexual encounters might negatively affect the way men relate to women in general and might increase sexual violence against women.
These feminists see prostitution as a form of slavery, and say that, far from decreasing rape rates, prostitution leads to a sharp increase in sexual violence against women, by sending the message that it is acceptable for a man to treat a woman as a sexual instrument over which he has total control.
Melissa Farley argues that Nevada's high rape rate is connected to legal prostitution because Nevada is the only US state which allows legal brothels and is ranked 4th out of the 50 U. Why is this?
Feminist views on prostitution - Wikipedia
Legal prostitution creates an atmosphere in this state in which women are not humans equal to them, are disrespected by men, and which then sets the stage of increased violence against women. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until conditions to do so are met. December See also: Forced prostitution Some feminists, including many who identify as supporting the abolition of prostitution, see the selling of sex as a potential after effect of violence against women.
Those who support this position cite studies of violence experienced by women in prostitution prior to entering prostitution. Studies of women in prostitution show an extremely high level of violence is perpetrated against women in prostitution. Figures vary across studies.
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Many brothels have installed panic buttons opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare of the ongoing threat of violence indoors. Beyond the individual instances of violence or the history of violence suffered by most women in prostitution, prostitution abolitionists see prostitution itself as a form of male violence against women and children.
Prostitution abolitionists also cite similarities between prostitution and violence against women. Farley, Lynne and Cotton argue the prostitution is most like battery because it similarly involves a pattern of coercive and controlling behaviour by pimps, procurers and traffickers as well as clients that results in the control of the women in prostitution.
In both realms sexuality and economics men hold substantial and systematic power over women. In prostitution, these power disparities merge in an act which both assigns and reaffirms the dominant social status of men over the subordinated social status of women.
Globalisation and neoliberalism have exacerbated already unequal economic relations, including by cutting back social spending in Northern and formerly socialist countries, and increasing the demand for cheap labour, including in prostitution, in both Southern and Idei venituri suplimentare countries.
Racism in education, economic and political systems affect the choices of women of colour. Additionally, racist sexualisation, through pornography in particular, of Black and Asian women as over-sexed and submissive or otherwise available for prostitution contributes to the demand for specifically racialized women. In Canada, New Zealand, Mexico, and Taiwan, studies have shown that indigenous women are at the bottom of the race and class hierarchy of prostitution, often subjected to the worst conditions, most violent demands and sold at the lowest price.
Prostitution can only further harm Aboriginal women.
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Similar laws were passed in Norway in  and in Iceland in These feminists reject the idea that prostitution can be reformed, and oppose any harm reduction approach. Trisha Baptiea Canadian former prostitute, who now opposes the industry, and lobbies for the outlawing of buying sexual services, wrote: "Harm reduction? These feminists argue that the idea of legalizing prostitution in order to control it and "make it opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare little better" and reduce harm is no different from the idea of legalizing domestic violence in order to control it and "make it a little better" and reduce harm.
Support is based on ideas of economic empowerment, independence and autonomy of choice, comparisons to sexual role in marriage, and challenging outdated societal notions of the proper expression of women's sexuality.
Proponents and support groups[ edit ] Activists and scholars who are proponents of the pro-sex work position include: Margo St. Social activist groups like The Red Thread, founded inseek to educate the public, provide legal and medical assistance to sex workers, and help organize sex workers into groups in order to better protect themselves and to become advocates.
Economic empowerment[ edit ] One view is that sex work not only empowers women, but it provides women with greater opportunities for financial advancement.
The selling of sex ultimately consists of a buyer and a seller trying to negotiate for the best deal. Women who have chosen to enter the field should not be looked down upon and should opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare have their choice considered to be lesser than another type of socially accepted employment. Liberal feminists argue that while prostitution and sex work may not be the ideal job for many women, it can provide a way of life and prosperity that would be otherwise unattainable.
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Assuming that all women who chose to partake in sex work are victims of oppression violates their ability to make an autonomous choice. Sex work can also create a sense of independence for women.
While women are socialized to hide their sexuality, sex workers are free to explore their sexuality and to openly choose their sexual partners.
Sex workers, whether they work on the streets or in hotels, have the freedom to accept or to reject clients.
They are free to accept or to decline any sexual advance. This stands in direct opposition to the married housewife who does not have the sexual autonomy of the sex worker. Instead, they consider their actions to be liberating and providing them with a sense of control. There does not appear to be a distinction between opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare woman who has devoted her body to her husband in exchange for his promise to take care of opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare, and the sex worker who has chosen to sell sexual acts in exchange for payment.
The true difference between the dependent spouse and the sex worker is that the independent sex worker does not belong to one man; in fact, she does not belong to anyone but herself. Acceptance of women's sexuality[ edit ] Liberal feminists argue that the patriarchal and moralistic view of sex as the ultimate expression of a woman's love must be changed in order for society to truly opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare the sexual nature of women.
Proper woman is a term that has its definition rooted in socialization and not fact. Prostitution and sex work are about more than the female sexual experience. The institution of prostitution opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare is seen by abolitionists as resting on these conditions opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare therefore they believe legalization or decriminalization will only lead to the reinforcement of these conditions.
Pro-sex-work feminists argue that this assumption is flawed, and that while prostitution, as it currently exists in our society, can be misogynist or degrading in some manifestations, there is a grave danger in attributing these conditions to prostitution itself. They argue that targeting prostitution as a whole unduly focuses attention on this single institution in our society, rather than looking at society at large and the social institutions, laws and practices that lead to the subordination and oppression of women.
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Most liberal feminists who look at prostitution from a capitalist perspective support some form of either decriminalization or legalization. Decriminalization is the removal of all penalties for prostitution itself and for all the activities necessary for prostitutes to do their work, such as advertising, communicating with clients, etc.
It does not mean the reversal of all laws relating to prostitution, for example laws that exist against forcing someone into prostitution. Instead they prefer the term "criminal sexual acts".
Legalization can mean anything from rigid controls under a state-controlled system to merely defining the operation of a privatized sex industry. Legalization is often accompanied by strict criminal penalties for anyone who operates outside the legally defined framework. Opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare of decriminalization believe that all people, including sex workers, are entitled to the same rights regarding safety, health and human rights, and that outdated criminal laws need to be reformed in order to improve the living and working conditions of sex workers.
They argue that decriminalization is better for the workers than legalization and that both criminalization and heavily regulated legalization infringe on the workers' safety and human rights. The goal in decriminalizing sex work is that anyone doing any type of sex work would be treated the same way, with the same rights and responsibilities, as any other self-employed person.
Transgender, non-binary, and male sex workers[ edit ] Pro-sex work advocates also point out that many men and non-binary individuals also willingly engage in sex work for a variety of reasons. Gay and opinia economiștilor asupra opțiunilor binare men, for example, often view sex work as a profitable extension of their normal sex lives, sometimes using sex work to supplement their regular incomes.